Trauma-Informed Programs for Women in Prison

Introduction

In Australia, as with many countries, women are a minority in prison (Fair & Walmsley, 2022). As result, prison systems have been developed with and for a male population (Hannah-Moffat, 2007). Whilst female populations are increasing globally, the issue is pronounced within Australia, where women make up 8% of the prison population (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2024). Between 2008-2018, the population grew by 85%, with an additional 12% growth between 2024-25 compared to a 5% growth for men (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2024; Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2025). This issue is accentuated within Indigenous women who make 11% of the incarcerated Indigenous population and are incarcerated at 21.2 times the rate of non-Indigenous women (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2025; Australian Human Rights Commission, 2024).

Recent literature has begun to explore women’s pathways to imprisonment, rehabilitation and corrections. What has been discovered is that women struggle with similar issues as men in terms of adverse childhood experiences, drugs and alcohol, and socio-economic status (Tubex & Gately, 2025; Donnelly, 2024; Kilroy & Lean, 2022; Daly, 1998). What differentiates then, is the nuances within these drivers, as well as the volume and structural force of trauma and parental responsibilities (Tubex & Gately, 2025; Donnelly, 2024; Kilroy & Lean, 2022). Amongst the literature 2 pathways appeared most relevant, however it is important to note that there is heterogeneity within women's pathways, and each individual’s experience may differ (Kuluk et al., 2024). These pathways are not mutually exclusive and violence, mental health and economic disadvantage intertwine (Tubex & Gately, 2025). Thus, the pathways are identified by the direct cause of offending, not the women's history. These two pathways are gendered, identified by trauma, and non-gendered, identified by economic disadvantage. The difficulties experienced within both pathways are exacerbated for Indigenous women (Kilroy & Lean, 2022).

To guide Australian practice, I will then examine international responses, namely Canada and New Zealand. These countries have comparable female populations at 5.8 and 7.5% respectively (Correctional Service Canada, 2025; World Prison Brief, 2026). In addition, both are settler-colonial countries, which is defined by the settler staying in the respective country and enforcing new belief and governing systems at the expense of the pre-existing culture and peoples (Wolfe, 2006). As such, all three countries experience Indigenous over-representation which is further pronounced within female populations: in Canada and New Zealand Indigenous women make up 50% and 63% respectively of female prison populations (Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies, 2024; Janis Adair, 2023). In all three countries, Indigenous women are the fastest growing population (Tubex et al., 2021; Janis Adair, 2023). I will examine the use of Risk Need Responsivity (RNR) in Canada and the trauma-informed approach in New Zealand, exploring the nuances in the success and failures for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous women.

Pathways to Imprisonment

Gendered pathway

This pathway is characterised by the offending behaviours being a direct result of violence and trauma. This violence and trauma begins before the women herself (Kilroy & Lean, 2022; Tubex & Gately, 2025; Donnelly, 2024). Kilroy & Lean (2022) explores the intergenerational disadvantage that women, especially Indigenous women, face. Women in Tubex & Gately’s (2025) study almost unanimously reflected on the violence they witness as children, toward mothers, sisters and family. This taught these women violence was normal and expected thus were unlikely to reach for help at initial warning signs (Tubex & Gately, 2025). For Indigenous women, even if such warning signs were recognized they were even less likely to reach for help due to the expectation of more violence within prison, culturally insensitive justice processes and separation from family and community (Kilroy & Lean, 2022). One woman participating in Tubex & Gately’s (2025) study described how police were joking toward her upon responding to an incident. These stories are evident in Western Australia in the most common charge, being acts intended to cause injury at 32% (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2025). Given context, these are most likely acts of self-defence, whether delayed, pre-emptive or immediate, on behalf of children or other family members (Tubex & Gately, 2025). The next most common charge, at 15%, was drug offences (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2025). Again, given context these are harmful coping mechanisms related to mental health and violence faced past or present (Tubex & Gately, 2025). Poor mental health is over-represented within prison populations, with 65% of incarcerated women have received a mental health diagnosis (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2020). Tubex & Gately (2025) notes that most women in her study had received a diagnosis within the prison, which did not have the resources for adequate subsequent treatment.

Non-Gendered pathway

This pathway is characterised by the offending behaviour being a direct result of economic disadvantage, however violence and trauma may still be an indirect cause (Tubex & Gately, 2025; Smith et al., 2026). For example, women participating in Tubex & Gately’s (2025) study explained periods of homelessness and economic insecurity as a result of escaping violence. Offending would then be to gain resources for herself or dependent children (Tubex & Gately, 2025; Smith et al., 2026). This issue is again exacerbated in Indigenous populations; Indigenous women are 8.8 times more likely than non-Indigenous women to experience homelessness (Homelessness Australia, 2025). This is again evident in West Australian offending patterns: the second largest charge for Indigenous women was Unlawful Entry/Burglary, rather than drugs suggesting that financially motivated offending is more prevalent (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2025). As a result of this economic strife women may sometimes see prison as a safer space than in community, as it provided shelter and food (Tubex & Gately, 2025). The exact proportion of economic, assault or drug crimes may vary, for example the principal charge in NSW is theft rather than assault (NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2024). However, across Australia these pathways are the most relevant (Kuluk et al., 2024; Tubex & Gately, 2025).

Motherhood

Despite incarceration many women still identified as the primary caregiver of dependent children, thus it is an important factor regarding women’s, especially Indigenous women’s, pathways to imprisonment (Jones et al., 2018). Participants in Tubex & Gately (2025) explored how women felt shame and anxiety in regard to their children. Being separated from them created mental turmoil, and not being able to care for them created fear, especially if there were any active or historic situations of family and domestic violence (FDV) (Tubex & Gately, 2025). Children being taken away was incredibly de-motivating and would often push women to fall further into dangerous coping mechanisms, preventing cognitive and emotional healing that result in offending behaviour (Mario, 2022). On the other hand, some women felt their children were a source of motivation, wanting to improve their lives for their sake (Tubex & Gately, 2025). With Indigenous women these feelings are even more exacerbated (Jones et al., 2018; Anthony et al., 2021). 80% of incarcerated Indigenous women identified as biological mothers (Bartels, 2010). Under Indigenous kinship Law mothers include the sisters and women in the same skin group as well as the biological mother, so the true figure would be greater than 80% (Jones et al., 2018; Anthony et al., 2021). The stolen generation was particularly harmful to this Law by separating children thus preventing mothers from fulfilling cultural duties (Jones et al., 2018). This is a significant cause of inter-generational trauma (Jones et al., 2018). Separation from children by the government department is an immense source of trauma and grief for these women which is detrimental to their resilience and identity (Anthony et al., 2021). Rather than helping or uplifting First Nations mothers, the removal of their children undermines their mothering, their identity and their indigeneity as a whole. This echoes the colonial assertion that Indigenous women are inadequate mothers in an overall archaic culture (Anthony et al., 2021; Kilroy & Lean, 2022). However, motherhood under cultural Law has persisted and can be a source of strength and pride for Indigenous women (Jones et al., 2018).

Domestic violence in Indigenous Communities

Indigenous women are more at risk of experiencing FDV, which acts as a considerable driver of imprisonment. Wilson (2017) found that 90% of the Indigenous women in their study had been subject to violence. Indigenous women are also 6 times more likely to experience FDV than non-Indigenous women and 35 times more likely to be hospitalised (Homelessness Australia, 2025). It is important to note that this problem is likely under-reported so the actual rates may be considerably higher (Walters & Longhurst, 2017). Cunneen (2007a) describe the over-representation of Indigenous women as an interlocking system of oppression, resulting from both patriarchy and colonisation. They discuss "new barbarianism" that represents Indigenous men as primitive abusers, and Indigenous women as powerless victims, thus validating intervention that removes Indigenous men from community (Cunneen 2007a). This stereotype is a clear example of the imposition of colonial rhetoric that positions Indigenous men as lesser, and patriarchal rhetoric that acknowledges the disempowerment of women within violent relationships (Cunneen & Baldry, 2014). This is somewhat at odds with how Indigenous Australian communities conceptualise FDV. In conducting fieldwork for several months in Northern Australia Blagg et al. (2022) reported that Indigenous women conceptualise FDV as a result of the disempowerment of Indigenous men under colonial structures, including excessive policing and incarceration. Indigenous women emphasised the mental distress experienced by Indigenous men because of the stereotypes as abusers and criminals (Blagg et al., 2022). Violence would then be an emotional struggle for control, identity and impulsivity (Blagg et al., 2022). Indigenous women also noted the mental distress amongst women, emphasising jealousy stemming from low self-esteem as an inflammatory factor in FDV (Blagg et al., 2022). Whilst this discussion touches on the stereotypes describes as "new barbarianism" by Cunneen (2007a) several women in Blagg et al. (2022) explicitly disputed that gender inequality was a cause of domestic violence, rejecting the use of a Eurocentric ideology to explain their experience. Indigenous women pointed to Grandmother Law to demonstrate the strength they have within their cultures (Blagg et al., 2022). This structure emphasises the role of Elder women in mediating family violence conflicts, emphasising their ability to ensure the safety of everyone involved (Blagg et al., 2022). These women also emphasised the need to keep men in community in order to be a part of the healing process (Blagg et al., 2022). However, it is important that the men do not return to triggering spaces, rather return to country with community and Elders to re-engage in cultural justice (Blagg et al., 2022). It is evident the role of patriarchy in FDV amongst Indigenous populations is conceptualised differently, according to different populations. What is unanimous is the overarching structure of colonisation is the root of any imposition of patriarchy, thus FDV amongst Indigenous populations is a colonial harm, more so than a patriarchal harm.

Risk, Need, Responsivity

Risk, Need, Responsivity (RNR) is debated in its application to women, particularly around criminogenic needs. The risk principle is based on the premise that individual risk is predictable and can be reduced through corresponding programme (Andrews & Bonta, 1998). This has particularly supported the development of various risk assessment tools, which include different risk categories as well as strengths (Bonta & Andrews, 2007). There are static and dynamic risks, static are factors that don’t change, whilst dynamic factors do (Mario, 2022). For example, past drug use is a static risk factor, but future drug use is a dynamic risk factor. Because dynamic risk factors can change, they are the focus of rehabilitation (Mario, 2022). The needs principles consider both criminogenic and non-criminogenic needs but focus mainly on 8 criminogenic needs which are: antisocial history, peers, cognition and personality pattern, substance abuse, family/marital, school/work, and leisure/recreation (Andrews & Bonta, 1998). The principle of responsivity asserts that an individual’s risk and need levels should be addressed through personalized responses (Mario, 2022). There is some contention on which criminogenic needs are applicable to women compared to men (Polaschek, 2018). Early studies have contradicting results. Andrews et al. (2012) found that each of the 8 criminogenic needs predicted recidivism, particularly substance abuse which was statistically significant. Conversely, Bell (2014) found that only 4 risk factors predicted recidivism for women and that substance abuse was not relevant at all. Gower et al. (2022) found significant gender difference in leisure/recreation, alcohol and drugs, and antisocial pattern in a West Australian cohort, particularly when controlled for indigeneity. Because findings are contradictory there can be no consensus on the portfolio of criminogenic needs for women. What can be determined is that criminogenic needs apply to women differently in different populations. Polaschek (2018) argues then that these differences are captured in the responsivity principle: programmes should be adapted to their participants. Differences in criminogenic needs between genders should be reflected in programmes being adapted to women, as they should any individual (Polaschek, 2018). This would support the use of RNR for female prison populations, however the following examination of Canada will reveal the nuances in this application.

Canada

Canadian women programme is characterised as an RNR based continuum of care model, with several programmes all under the Women Offender Correctional Programs (WOCP) that align risk and need (Mario, 2022). The Womens Engagement Programme is first on the continuum and as such must be completed by all sentenced women (Mario, 2022). It introduces the concept of self-management and works on social skills (Allan & Wardrop, 2022). Following this is the women's Moderate Intensity Programme and High Intensity Programme both building on the previous programme to work on creating crime free lifestyles through social, personal and cognitive skills (Mario, 2022). By the end of the continuum women should have built a self-management plan and acquired boundary setting skills, self-regulation, self-awareness and problem-solving skills (Mario, 2022). The continuum is complete with the Women’s Self-Management Programme (Mario, 2022). Indigenous women have a similar but altered programme continuum (Allan & Wardrop, 2022). This follows the same path but includes a community based Self-Management Program, Elders at every stage and tends to be longer. (Allan & Wardrop, 2022; Mario, 2022).

What works

There is evidence to suggest that Canada’s continuum model is effective for non-Indigenous women. Harris et al. (2015) found that of the women that completed the programme, only 18% returned to custody for any reason within one year and only 3.5% returned for committing a new offence. For partial completers the results were slightly higher; 27.9% and 4.7% respectively (Harris et al., 2015). Non-completers had the highest failure rates; 37.5 and 9.4 respectively (Harris et al., 2015). This may suggest that the accumulative effect of building on previously established skill is more effective than isolated programmes, however this would require longer sentences. Whilst these results are not statistically significant, they do still demonstrate that women improved following programme completion, and any lack of long-term significant change in recidivism may be because of a lack of government support in community and does not mean that the programme itself is a failure. Stewart et al. (2019) supports this by finding that the 2-year recidivism rate for non-Indigenous women was 12% within a cohort of 850. In addition, the non-Indigenous women's population has decreased by 11% between 2019-2024 (Zinger, 2022). This suggests that the programming is effective for non-Indigenous women.

What’s failing

Canada’s RNR programme is ineffective for Indigenous women, suggesting RNR is not an appropriate framework due to its contradictory assumptions and individualised premise. Whilst Canada's non-Indigenous female population decreased by 11% between 2019/20-2023/24, the Indigenous population increased by 22% (Zinger, 2022). When positioned as higher risk due to the misinterpretation of higher needs under an RNR framework the impacts are incredibly harmful (Mario, 2022; Hannah-Moffat, 2005). The positioning of higher risk validates intensive institutional intrusion and lengthier incarceration, as well as more intrusive security measures within prisons (Mario, 2022; Hannah-Moffat, 2005). The annual report from the Office of the Correctional Investigator found Indigenous women were being over securitised which has detrimental impacts on mental health as well as access to programmes and support (Zinger, 2022). Between April 2019 - 2021, federally sentenced Indigenous women accounted for 61% of all women involved in uses of force and 80% of all solitary placements (Zinger, 2022). A quarter of these were in response to self-harming behaviours (Zinger, 2022). This high security placement impacts their ability to complete programming; Harris et al. (2015) found that Indigenous women were twice as likely to not complete the Women's Engagement Program. Of the women that did participate, they did not find them to culturally acceptable, particularly because of staffing shortages of Elders (Zinger, 2022). In addition, the positioning of risk and need as an internal individualised fault or deficiency in the RNR framework is contradictory to the holistic community understanding of wellbeing in Indigenous communities (Blagg et al., 2022; Mario, 2022). Conversely, there has been some supporting research. Derkzen et al. (2017) found statistically significant results in assessing the Indigenous Women’s Offender Correctional Programme (IWOCP) that those who completed it were less likely to return to custody than those who didn’t. However, this research is almost a decade old and it is important to note that non-Indigenous women are also able to participate in IWOCP. Derkzen et al. (2017) found that only 55% of Indigenous women completed the Self-management Programme, and that non-Indigenous women had significantly higher completion rates of around 90%, aligning with Harris et al. (2015) findings. Given Zinger’s (2022) findings that the Indigenous women's programmes were not effective nor cultural safe, and the rising Indigenous population, Derkzen’s et al. (2017) findings may suggest that although the programming may work for some, the over securitising of Indigenous women, resource shortages, and contradictory individualised premise prevent large scale success. Whilst Indigenous women do have the highest re-offending rates at 47%, this does not mean they are inherently riskier (Zinger, 2022; Hannah Moffat 2005; Chartrand, 2019). Indigenous women are survivors in need of support before they are risky offenders (Tubex & Gately, 2025). 56% of Indigenous women have experienced FDV compared to 34% of non-Indigenous women (general population) (Heidinger, 2022). This suggests that they are more likely to follow the gendered pathway to crime therefore it is reasonable to assert that it may be those following a gendered pathway who do not align with RNR, whilst those following a non-gendered pathway may be more responsive as this pathway’s is closer to men’s. In addition, Indigenous women face structural racism that views indigeneity as inherently risky, therefore imbeds a bias within the RNR framework (Chartrand, 2019). Indigenous women are more likely to be placed on remand, demonstrating that they are viewed as higher risk despite the harm of removing Indigenous women from community (Robinson et al., 2023). It is this removal that negatively impacts Indigenous women and entrenches them in the justice system, at which point they do align with the understanding of risk under an RNR framework (Kilroy & Lean, 2022). In this way it can become a self-fulfilling prophecy that echoes colonial understandings of indigeneity and criminality.

For non-Indigenous women there is also a danger in conflating need and risk (Hannah-Moffat, 2004a; Hannah-Moffat, 2005). Non-Indigenous women have the lowest re-offending rates, at 21%, yet can simultaneously have higher need levels (Zinger, 2022). RNR fundamentally contradicts this by assigning higher needs to higher risk levels. As discussed earlier, over-securitising is incredibly harmful to mental well-being (Zinger, 2022). Therefore, despite the success of RNR for non-Indigenous women, the risk of further entrenching Indigenous women in the justice system, and the harms when risk is conflated, mean that this approach is not appropriate given Australia’s rapidly increasing Indigenous female population.

New Zealand

In 2017 New Zealand launched the Women's Strategy, (Wahine – E rere ki te Pae Hou), a four-year women's programme with three main principles (McGlue, 2017).

• Providing women with access to interventions and services which meet their unique risks (McGlue, 2017).
• Managing women in ways which are trauma- informed and empowering (McGlue, 2017).
• Managing women in ways which recognise the importance of relationships in their lives (McGlue, 2017).

Principle 1 - Vocational Training & Education

The first principle includes expanding employment opportunities through This Way for Work (TWW) and vocational opportunities available through Release to Work (RtW) (Morrison et al., 2018). RtW focusses on employability skills, rather than direct vocational experience (McElroy, 2018). Such skills include communication, self-management, positive attitude, teamwork, critical thinking, and resilience (McElroy, 2018). It also includes offender recruitment consultants (ORC) who's job is to build a profile on each participant to inform referral decisions and recommendations to employers nearing and on release (McElroy, 2018). These ORCs were particularly helpful for people in removing a significant source of anxiety as they can disclose beforehand criminal convictions (Morrison et al., 2018). They were also able to support employees time management, aid with workplace disputes and negotiate with employers (Morrison et al., 2018). Whilst these skills are very important in maintaining employment, they do not consider structural impediments women face on release (Bevan, 2024). Abusive relationships, housing insecurity and parenting responsibilities can easily de-rail job searching regardless of one’s positive attitude or self-management skills (Morrison et al., 2018; Bevan, 2024). Therefore, ORCs were most effective when they provided ongoing support in housing, child support and transport (Morrison et al., 2018). In addition, this programme may be impeded by its mode of delivery. Recent evaluation of incarcerated women’s literacy found that 67% would struggle to cope in everyday life and 74% had low literacy levels (Janis Adair, 2021). As a result, reading and writing were not the best tools in education or vocational training (Janis Adair, 2021). Programmes that use excessive elements of reading and writing can be daunting and limit the ability of women to engage effectively. This may then trigger feelings of low self-worth and lower efficacy (Tubex & Gately, 2025; Dempster-Rivett, 2018).

The Women's Strategy attempted to expand the opportunities, based on the feedback of incarcerated women in areas of interest (Morrison et al., 2018). This included hairdressing, as well as a desire to break into more male dominated fields (Morrison et al., 2018). However, a report published by the Office of the Inspectorate following the conclusion of the Women’s Strategy found men still had greater access to vocational training, and women felt frustrated with the gendered nature of the options that were available (Janis Adair, 2021). Vocational training is dominated by sewing and cooking, often restricted to within prison suggesting that RtW is being underutilised (Janis Adair, 2021). RtW allows minimum security prisoners approaching their release to engage in paid employment in community to ease release by building financial stability, relationships and responsibility (Janis Adair, 2021).The report noted that RtW brokers was responsible for both men and women's prisons but were less comfortable working with women due to lack of experience and being overwhelmed with male applicants (Janis Adair, 2021). In 18 months only 2 women were placed which became a major source of anxiety due to concerns that they would not be released, would struggle on release, and that community was rejecting them (Janis Adair, 2021). Whilst both RtW and TWW are effective, RtW is underutilised, and TWW’s focus on skills rather than practical experience may limit its success.

Principle 2 - Trauma-Informed

New Zealand identified that trauma was a significant factor of incarcerated women's experience, in the way it informed their behaviour in a carceral environment (McGlue, 2017). Trauma changes the way people interact presently and can inhibit women's engagement in programmes and therefore their success (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Traumatised people will actively avoid being re-traumatised, reminded of past events or reminded of negative feelings associated with those events (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). This may be achieved by disassociating, acting out to go to a secure unit, self-harm and substance abuse to distract from emotional or mental pain (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). These can be destructive, dangerous and will impede women's active participation in programmes (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005). In addition, lack of trust as a result of traumatic relationships may mean women withdraw in new situations or around new people and take longer to build effective relationships with staff (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Women can be easily triggered in carceral settings due to perceived lack of choice, power imbalances that reflect control and abuse of power in FDV or sexually traumatic experiences, and instances of force or strip-searching (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; Bevan, 2024). Given this, specific trauma informed principles were created to apply to programmes, as well as specific guidelines for staff (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Trauma-informed approaches focus on healing from trauma by acknowledging the ways it influences current behaviour, and avoiding re-traumatising or triggers (E. Elliot et al., 2005). A key understanding is that withdrawal is a trauma response, not a resistance to treatment (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005).

The principles

The principles for programmes & staff are:

• Safety. The activities and the settings should ensure the physical and emotional cultural safety of prisoners through security and privacy (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). A sense of safety may also be created over time through consistency of staff allowing trusting relationships to develop (E. Elliot et al., 2005).
• Trustworthiness. The activities and physical settings maximise trustworthiness through task clarity, transparency re expectations and processes, honesty, and respecting interpersonal boundaries (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Confidentiality and patience must be upheld when women share their stories (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005).
• Choice. The activities and physical settings maximise prisoner choice and control over the factors that impact them (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005). Provide choice wherever possible, provide programme options, and explain why there is no choice if none (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005). Choices must be validated and carried out to allow women a sense of safety and control over their environment and life (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005). For some women offending is an attempt to regain control in violent or coercive relationships where autonomy is lost (Bevan, 2024). Thus, ensuring choice within programmes in preparation for release replaces the sense of control that women feel coming into prison with a sense of control coming out of prison (Bevan, 2024). In addition, utilising calm and de-escalating with relaxed tone of voice over use of force wherever possible will ensure women do not feel their autonomy is lost (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005).
• Collaboration. This involves creating plans for women with women, seeking input and working together with all relevant case workers and staff (Dempster-Rivett, 2018).
• Empowerment. The activities and physical settings maximise prisoner autonomy (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Highlighting strengths are particularly important in rebuilding internal sense of efficacy (E. Elliot et al., 2005). This would involve helping to identify and celebrate strengths as part of routine interactions (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). When strengths are not celebrated women internalise cognitive and emotional failures, even when understood as responses of a survivor, potentially worsening self-image and worth (Bevan, 2024).

Additional Staff

The implementation of the Women’s Strategy saw the trauma-informed training of prison staff as well as hiring counsellors and psychological experts (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Counsellors talked positively about this initial training, noting how staffs’ behaviours became more informed as a result and were able to effectively de-escalate tense situations (Janis Adair, 2021). These counsellors were very well liked by the women, who noted the ease of access that enabled them to build relationship with counsellors, meaning they became more open and comfortable, finding a safe space in prison (Janis Adair, 2021). However, beyond initial training at the launch of the Strategy, there was no long-term continuation of training or correcting for staff meaning that overtime the nuances of the training was lost and in crisis situations staff would return to previous behaviour (Janis Adair, 2021). In the initial years of the women’s strategy the population did decline, from 7.7% in 2018 to 5.7% in 2021, however crept back upwards to 6.8% in 2024 as the strategy concluded and the principles were not continuously implemented (Ara Poutama Aotearoa – Department of Corrections, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021).

Incorporating Indigenous values

New Zealand identified where Indigenous values complimented trauma informed principles to make their programming more culturally relevant and to highlight Indigenous knowledges (Dempster-Rivett, 2018). Whilst the Officer of the Inspectorate report noted that women enjoyed the various Māori programmes and elements, they were slow to progress and limited by staff availability (Janis Adair, 2021). One woman noted that the unit felt like any other when Māori staff were not present (Janis Adair, 2021). The sentiment expressed here is well explored in literature, that contend that no substantive changes can occur in the over-representation of Indigenous peoples if the overarching colonial justice systems' power is retained (Turnbull, 2014). Whilst making the effort to engage with Indigenous principles is good, without challenging the power of colonial justice systems and only overlaying Indigenous knowledges within prisons, Indigenous people will continue to be separated from culture in ways that serve to only entrench them in justice systems (Turnbull, 2014; Tubex & Blagg, 2021).

The values

I have taken the opportunity to identify Aboriginal values that compliment trauma informed principles.

• Trustworthiness. Trust is curated between Indigenous peoples through respect (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). Respect given between participants and programme facilitators involves acknowledging the lives of women, appreciating their organic knowledge, and acknowledging the power imbalance between facilitator and participant by giving women space to share their stories (Anderson, 2022; E. Elliot et al., 2005). Respect in Indigenous culture symbolises and maintains the importance of relationships which can increase incarcerated women's feelings of support fostering safe and fruitful relationships between programme facilitators and women. (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021; E. Elliot et al., 2005). It also increases women's feeling of self-respect and self-worth (E. Elliot et al., 2005). This links to another trauma-informed principle being the inclusion of lived experience and organic knowledge in programme creation (E. Elliot et al., 2005).
• Choice. Providing choice to Aboriginal women, and all Indigenous peoples, in decisions that impact them allows self-determination in the application of justice (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). Self-determination was recognised as a right in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (Billington, 2024). Self-determination breaks down colonial control mechanisms which then allows respect and reconciliation between the colonial state and Indigenous peoples (Billington, 2024).
• Collaboration. This requires collaboration with Indigenous knowledges, cultural bodies and people (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). To achieve this female Elders must be collaborated with in the creation and performance of programmes (Anderson, 2022; Blagg et al., 2022). For Aboriginal people collaboration also means with country and cultural activities within community. Indigenous people have a holistic view of healing, where each element works together to heal the spirit (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). Therefore, elements of country must be incorporated alongside cultural practices, guided by a female Elder (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). Building one aspect builds upon another, thus if all cultural elements are not included, healing cannot be fully achieved (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 2021). For incarcerated women community and group settings can foster mutual support, collaborative cultural engagement, and relational understandings (Anderson, 2022; Hunter et al., 202; E. Elliot et al., 2005).
• Empowerment. Indigenous women may be empowered in their role as mothers (Jones et al., 2018; Anthony et al., 2021). Female Elders retain cultural power through Grandmother Law which emphasises female Elders role in conflict mediation and so should be utilised to build and adjust programmes as they are conceptualised and practiced (Blagg et al., 2022; Anderson, 2022). Elders are able to communicate with Indigenous participants and represent them, thus empowering Indigenous culture, the Elder, and the participant (Anderson, 2022). Highlighting women's resilience and resistance also serves to empower them (Anderson, 2022; E. Elliot et al., 2005). Framing women as survivors of physical, sexual and colonial trauma, rather than victims, privileges individuals’ strength over the events that happened to them (Anderson, 2022; E. Elliot et al., 2005; Kilroy & Lean, 2022). This works to increase the women's perception of hope and self-efficacy.

Kowhiritanga women’s programme

Kowhiritanga is a medium intensity programme that combines RNR with trauma-informed practice. It is a lengthy group-based programme with 56 sessions that focus on attitudes and behaviour (Janis Adair, 2021). A review in 2020 of this programme showed a 3.2% reduction in re-imprisonment, and a 6.7% reduction in re-sentencing for participants (Janis Adair, 2021). The Office of the Inspectorate report provides insight into the most impactful parts of this programme (Janis Adair, 2021). Women spoke highly of it in regard to the sensitivity of the staff, the cognitive empowerment, and mode of delivery (Janis Adair, 2021). The ability for trauma-informed practice to enhance the programme was demonstrated through staff practice (Janis Adair, 2021). Participants specifically talked about the care and forethought that facilitators had in informing wider prison staff of women's emotional state following a session (Janis Adair, 2021). Particularly if it was triggering facilitators would inform prison staff which allowed them to be prepared for women’s behaviour, and have the necessary context to respond appropriately (Janis Adair, 2021). This also aligned with trauma informed principles of collaboration in ensuring all relevant staff had all relevant information on incarcerated women and respect by having the forethought to consider the women beyond the programme delivery (Dempster-Rivett, 2018; E. Elliot et al., 2005). In terms of RNR there were two aspects that women found particularly useful in this respect: understanding how their behaviours developed, usually at the root of trauma, and tools to manage emotions (Bevan, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021). Framing offending within criminogenic needs helped women conceptualise their behaviour (Janis Adair, 2021). It was useful in understanding why and how behaviours developed and what needs were not being met (Bevan, 2024). This created a sense of control as behaviours previously perceived as irrational were put into a framework they could understand, which allowed them the space and clarity to change cognition and subsequent behaviour (Bevan, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021). Once this understanding was reached women were able to interpret emotional reactions and de-escalate their own emotions, preventing violent or harmful reactions (Bevan, 2024). By understanding the drivers of their behaviour, women felt empowered to change their future and escape the cycle of incarceration (Bevan, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021). Lastly, many women enjoyed the group setting and the mutual support and friendships that were created (Bevan, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021). This feedback was particularly strong amongst Māori participants whom value community as a cultural element (Bevan, 2024; Janis Adair, 2021). However, it is important to note not all women preferred the group setting, so it is important to ensure these women are directed to more individual therapies, so that women who prefer group settings can engage with one-another (Janis Adair, 2021). This would more closely align with the principle of responsivity. Kowhiritanga demonstrates the specific application of principles and how it can work with RNR.

Why is New Zealand's population increasing?

Theoretically trauma-informed practice should be effective, and the Kowhiritanga programme has statistically sound results, as well as positive reviews from participants, yet the women's population has increased to 7.5% as of 2026, almost where it was pre-women's strategy (Ara Poutama Aotearoa – Department of Corrections, 2024). The predominant reason for this is the increasingly punitive environment that particularly impacts remand populations (Mussels, 2025). New Zealand has a significantly high imprisonment rate for a settler colonial country, at 210 per 100,00, whereas Australia's sits at 170 (World Prison Brief, 2026). For women, half or more of the imprisoned population is on remand, which noticeably jumped following the conclusion of the Women's Strategy (Ara Poutama Aotearoa – Department of Corrections, 2024). Between 2021, and December of 2022 the remand population grew from 202 to 264 whereas the sentenced population actually decreased from 244 to 238 (Ara Poutama Aotearoa – Department of Corrections, 2022). Because of the fluctuation of remand populations, it is difficult to assess the success of New Zealand’s corrections in terms of statistics, as a significant portion of the growth is from those who do not have access these programmes. These women cannot access the programmes due to the policy that women on remand are not allowed to mix with sentenced women (Janis Adair, 2021). Many women and practitioners repeatedly expressed frustration with this policy in the Officer of the Inspectorate report as it impeded programme functionality and appeared redundant as women mixed on other occasions (Janis Adair, 2021). This was quite disheartening for the women who felt isolated by being barred from programmes or were pulled mid-programme (Janis Adair, 2021). The limited support in a time of uncertainty and mental distress is damaging for women's mental and physical health, impeding their ability to engage with programmes when they do become accessible (Janis Adair, 2021). Recent changes to the Sentencing Amendment Bill (2025) that limit judges’ ability to consider mitigating factors in sentencing are projected to increase remand populations by 36% over ten years which may be one of the reasons for the surge in the population between 2025-2026 (Mussell, 2025; Ministry of Justice Tāhū o te Ture). The recent increase in New Zealand’s female prison population is therefore a result of punitive policy, rather than a failure of correctional programming.

Responsibilising women

Western approaches to crime posit criminal behaviour as an error in personal pathology, behaviour and cognition (Fox, 2015; Pollack, 2007). As a result, attempts to explain behaviour in relation to structural disadvantage is received as shifting blame and giving excuses, thus the person has not reconciled with their actions and has not been rehabilitated (Hannah-Moffat, 2004; Kilty, 2014). This is contradictory to trauma-informed principles that interpret the role of personal violence in women's offending, which requires acknowledging patriarchal structures that have created the violence integral to women’s pathways to imprisonment (E. Elliot et al., 2005; Hannah-Moffat, 2004). Making women feel responsible for their trauma replicates abusive relationship dynamics and risks re-traumatising women (Elliot et al., 2005). Feminist criminologists argue instead that actions are not autonomous but are constrained by the institutional and social conditions one lives in (Hannah-Moffat 2007; Celermajer, 2018). Responsibilising women for their criminal behaviour is evident in both Canadian and Kiwi correctional programming. The focus in TWW on employability soft skills suggests the problem is emotional, cognitive and behavioural rather than acknowledging the very real barriers, being child-care responsibilities and abusive relationships that prevent emotional and cognitive healing and employment. The intersection of socio-economic status that impacts transport, health and welfare limit women's ability to change the situation that lead to their offending (Hannah-Moffat 2007). In Canada, programming focusses on emotional and cognitive skills in creating a self-management plan (Hannah-Moffat 2007). This risks teaching women that they are responsible for dangerous, criminal situations due to insufficient mental and emotional intelligence (Hannah-Moffat 2007; Bevan, 2024). Whilst cognition and emotion do impact immediate offending behaviour it is important to frame such cognition and emotion within structural and historic traumas to avoid women internalising blame (Bevan, 2024). One woman said "maybe if I had been more proactive in that course, well things could have been different. I would have been able to notice his high-risk situation" (Bevan, 2024). Often women who had been exposed to violence since children were more likely to identify patterns of violence as failures within themselves, rather than the systems or people around her (Bevan, 2024; Tubex & Gately, 2025). This is clear when offending behaviour is advocated as self-defence against domestic violence (Bevan, 2024). Therefore, it is essential to at least acknowledge the structural violence and barriers that women face during correctional programmes.

Conclusion

Given that the key differentiating factor that informs offending for women is trauma and violence, which I identified as a gendered pathway, it is only logical to adopt a trauma-informed approach. Trauma responses often appear as women withdrawing and resisting programming which may be interpreted as a failure of the women (McGlue, 2017). However, when understood as a trauma response the environment can be adjusted allowing women to fully engage (McGlue, 2017). This approach is important for women following a non-gendered pathway as well, as they too have histories of violence and trauma (Tubex & Gately, 2025; McGlue, 2017). Whilst RNR did work in Canada for non-Indigenous women, it had serious negative impacts for Indigenous women due to the danger of conflating risk and need, which often resulted in the over-securitisation of women (Harris et al. 2015; Hannah-Moffat, 2005; Janis Adair, 2021). Regardless of whether women have less severe or more severe offending patterns it is abundantly clear that women were survivors, failed by a system, before they are risky offenders. New Zealand could not decrease its Indigenous population through the Women’s Strategy; however the incorporation of Indigenous principles is still important, and the same can happen for Aboriginal women to make programmes more culturally sensitive.

Recommendations

• In informing an individual programme, a trauma-informed approach is essential to ensure that women are able to engage with programming to take the full benefits. Highlighting women’s resilience and strength to rebuild identity and self-worth is an important trauma-informed principle, as well as consistency and choice to ensure women feel safe.
• What is incredibly clear when examining women’s drivers to imprisonments and the failures of justice systems to respond is that women were survivors before they were risky offenders. Therefore, it is essential to partner with social support agencies who can provide housing and childcare otherwise women may return to the dangerous situations that lead to their imprisonment.
• Ensure a women Elder is involved in the creating and administering of programmes.